There is a lot of disinformation around the JFK assassination which makes it all very confusing
However a clear summary of what is really known about matters are detailed by Douglas P Horne who
served as the Chief Analyst for Military Records for the ARRB (formally, The Assassination Records Review Board), a five member civilian panel that was entrusted with the mission of locating and declassifying documents and records held by the CIA, the FBI, the Secret Service, ONI, and other federal agencies under The JFK Records Act (which was passed by Congress in the wake of the resurgence of interest in the death of JFK)
Interviews with those involved with the CIA/Secret Service handling of the Zapruder film in the weekend and days after President Kennedy's death clearly shows the film was altered by the CIA with frames removed and so what has been released was not the original Zapruder film
The Zapruder Film Mystery
While serving as chief analyst of military records at the Assassination Records Review Board in 1997, Douglas Horne discovered that the Zapruder Film was examined by the CIA's National Photographic Interpretation Center two days after the assassination of President Kennedy. In this film, Horne interviews legendary NPIC photo interpreter Dino Brugioni, who speaks for the first time about another NPIC examination of the film the day after the assassination.
Brugioni didn't know about the second examination and believes the Zapruder Film in the archives today is not the film he saw the day after the assassination.
There are 2 links to videos
At the very end is Mr Horne's lengthy and detailed summary of the documented evidence that has not been properly disclosed about JFK including the Zapruder film
The other earlier video link is to a documentary covering the interviewing the CIA/NPICS experts who handled the Zapruder film and describe what was done to it.
Horne's basic point is that frames were removed from the Zapruder film and include those showing
JFK was shot from the front hence brain matter on the rear of the car
and
JFKs car stopped very briefly prior to the fatal head shot.
Horne also sets out testimony from Drs involved showing that JFK was first shot through the throat before the head shot and how even the current Zapruder film shows this
Most Americans don’t know anything about the two significant events involving the famous Zapruder film of President Kennedy’s Assassination that took place back-to-back, on successive nights, at the CIA’s National Photographic Interpretation Center (NPIC) – in Washington, D.C. – on the weekend of JFK’s assassination.
But anyone evenly remotely interested in what is perhaps the key piece of film evidence in the Kennedy assassination – what for decades was viewed as the “bedrock evidence” in the case, the “closest thing to ground truth” – needs to become acquainted with what happened to Abraham Zapruder’s home movie of JFK’s assassination during the three days immediately following President Kennedy’s death.
The ARRB staff became aware that there were two former CIA/NPIC employees who had, in 1963, worked with the Zapruder film at the Agency’s National Photographic Interpretation Center (NPIC) immediately after JFK’s assassination: their names were Homer A. McMahon (the former Head of the NPIC Color Lab), and Morgan Bennett (“Ben”) Hunter (his assistant at the time). The ARRB staff interviewed each man three times that summer, and I was present at all of those interviews. [3] I was the lead interviewer at the one interview that was recorded on audiotape – this was my questioning of Homer A. McMahon at Archives II, in College Park, Maryland on July 14, 1997. The tape of that interview has been available to the American people through the JFK Records Collection at Archives II since November of 1998;
The activity McMahon and Hunter were involved in on the weekend following President Kennedy’s assassination was the making of photographic enlargements from individual frames of the Zapruder film; the purpose of this activity was to support the creation of “briefing boards” that would be assembled by others at NPIC, using the color prints they made, for purposes and audiences unknown. The customer requesting the activity was the U.S. Secret Service.
However Dino A. Brugioni, who served as the Chief Information Officer (the “briefing board czar”) at NPIC for about two-and-a-half decades presided over a distinctly different “briefing board event” at NPIC the same weekend following the assassination, using a distinctly different Zapruder film.
Mr. Brugioni, like Mr. McMahon, also presided over the making of enlargements – blowup prints – from individual frames of the Zapruder film, which were then mounted on briefing boards. But his work crew was entirely different than McMahon’s;
the numbers of enlargements made differed significantly; the number of briefing boards made was different; and the format of the briefing boards made at Brugioni’s event was distinctly different.
Most significantly, the format of the Zapruder film delivered at Brugioni’s NPIC event was distinctly different from the format of the Zapruder film delivered at McMahon’s NPIC event.
Yet each man believed, without any doubt, that he was working with the original film. And the two events occurred only one day apart.
Mr. Brugioni was contacted again in 2011, and the information that he had previously provided in 2009 was reconfirmed by Peter Janney in an MP3-recorded interview at Mr. Brugioni’s home on April 28, 2011; as well as in a four-hour-long HD video interview conducted by me on July 9, 2011. Mr. Brugioni’s memory remained sharp, and his credibility high – very high. Indeed, his good memory and credibility is recorded for posterity on the HD video recording.
What the two NPIC events point to, the weekend immediately following President Kennedy’s assassination, is a compartmentalized operation, in which the first NPIC work crew (Brugioni’s) made briefing boards, using enlargements of individual frames from the true camera original Zapruder film; and in which the second NPIC work crew (McMahon’s) also made briefing boards, the very next night, using enlargements of frames from an altered Zapruder film, masquerading as the camera original.
I characterize the operation as compartmentalized because neither group was aware of the other group’s activity that weekend, nor were they intended to be.
At the time, back in 1963, both McMahon and Brugioni were each led to believe they were working with the “original film,” but clearly, only one of them could have been. Fantastic, you say? Certainly. But all true. The evidence will be clearly laid out before you, below, along with an analysis of what the evidence likely means, and why.
Before I present to you a detailed summary of what happened at each of the two NPIC “briefing board events,” let us examine what we thought we knew, before the two NPIC events were made known to us, about the Zapruder film’s chain of custody during the critical four days following JFK’s assassination.
This short digression is vital to understanding the significance of the differences between the two versions of the Zapruder film delivered to NPIC the weekend following the assassination - see
http://whokilledjfk.net/more_doug_horne.htm link to read the details of CIA handling of Zapruder film as set out by Mr Brugioni and others from NPIC
NOTE - Mr. Brugioni was, and remains a foremost expert on the U-2 and SR-71 aerial reconnaissance imagery, and on the Corona and early Keyhole satellite reconnaissance imagery for the CIA;
The Zapruder Film Mystery
While serving as chief analyst of military records at the Assassination Records Review Board in 1997, Douglas Horne discovered that the Zapruder Film was examined by the CIA's National Photographic Interpretation Center two days after the assassination of President Kennedy. In this film, Horne interviews legendary NPIC photo interpreter Dino Brugioni, who speaks for the first time about another NPIC examination of the film the day after the assassination. Brugioni didn't know about the second examination and believes the Zapruder Film in the archives today is not the film he saw the day after the assassination. Drawing on Volume 4 of his book "Inside the ARRB", Doug Horne introduces the subject and presents his conclusions.
Including
Erwin Schwartz, Abraham Zapruder's business partner, told interviewer Noel Twyman on November 21, 1994 that when he viewed the original film on Friday, November 22, 1963, he saw biological debris from the head explosion propelled to the left rear of the President when he viewed the film. This debris pattern is not visible on the film today, but dovetails with the consistent recollections of motorcycle officer Bobby W. Hargis, who was hit with great force at the time of the head shot by debris travelling to the left rear.
[32]
about sixteen persons in Dealey Plaza indicated that the President's limousine stopped, very briefly (for approximately one-half second to one-and-a-half seconds), during the head shot sequence on Elm Street. No such u201Ccar stopu201D is seen on the extant Zapruder film. And yet, many of the witnesses who claim the limousine stopped were those closest to President Kennedy when he was killed, including Jean Hill, Hugh Betzner, Bill Newman, Mary Woodward, Roy Truly, Phil Willis, Alan Smith, DPD patrolmen Earle Brown and J. W. Foster, and DPD motorcyclists Bobby W. Hargis and James Chaney.
[36]
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=J_QIuu6hsAc
Douglas P. Horne worked on the staff of the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) in Washington, DC for the final 3 years of the Review Board’s 4-year lifespan, from August 1995 through September 1998.
He was hired as a Senior Analyst on the Military Records Team, and was later promoted to the position of Chief Analyst for Military Records (i.e., the Head of the Military Records Team). Douglas P. Horne graduated from the Ohio State University in 1974 with a B.A. in History, and served as a junior officer in the U.S. Navy for 10 years, followed by 10 more years with the Navy as a Civil Servant in an anti-sub marine warfare program. Horne was not only involved in the location and release of US military records on Cuba and Vietnam policy from 1961 through 1964, but he played an integral role in conducting both unsworn interviews and formal depositions of witnesses to, and participants in, JFK’s autopsy at Bethesda Naval Hospital, and was also involved in joint efforts between the ARRB and Kodak to both digitally preserve the photographic images of the autopsy, and to conduct an authenticity study of the Zapruder Film in the National Archives. After leaving the Assassination Records Review Board Horne worked for the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum before joining the State Department. A couple of articles by Douglas Horne, Evidence of a Government Cover-Up and Interviews with Former NPIC Employees , appeared in Murder in Dealey Plaza (edited by James H. Fetzer). An interesting interview with Horne by Dick Russell was included in On the Trail of the JFK Assassins (2008). Douglas Horne’s book, Inside the Assassination Records Review Board was published in December, 2009.
Full review of JFK assassination by Douglas P Horne
View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=CEDBbYAkGt0
John White
Quite honestly, that was 6.5 hours very well spent. Excellent presentation.
OTHER COMMENTS
Former President George H.W. Bush claimed to have trouble remembering where he was when John F. Kennedy was shot — in Bush’s own state. Helping refresh Bush 41’s memory leads in some fascinating directions.
whowhatwhy.org
That JFKs death is linked to many strange events is clear
Perhaps the link to President Bush is just odd or maybe something else. Bush had sworn in Congress he had no involvement with the CIA prior to his becoming head of the CIA but this was not true
Certainly the CIA tried to hide any Bush connection to an FBI memo saying Bush as a CIA officer had been briefed following JFKs death.
Why Bush was briefed seems clear - what involvement if any he had with JFK matters is unknown to date
McBride discovered a memorandum from FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, dated November 29, 1963. Under the subject heading “Assassination of President John F. Kennedy,” Hoover reported that, on the day after JFK’s murder, the bureau had provided two individuals with briefings. One was “Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency.” The other: “Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency.”
To:
Director
Bureau of Intelligence and Research
Department of State
[We have been] advised that the Department of State feels some misguided anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba, believing that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy might herald a change in U.S. policy… [Our] sources know of no [such] plans… The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency.
President Bush would not comment directly.
The CIA claimed it was another Bush who had been briefed and had been on night duty at the time. Later they claimed they could not locate this other Bush
McBride called the CIA. A spokesman for the agency, Bill Devine, responded: “This is the first time I’ve ever heard this . . . I’ll see what I can find out and call you back.”
The following day, the PR man was tersely formal and opaque: “I can neither confirm nor deny.” It was the standard response the agency gave when it dealt with its sources and methods. Could the agency reveal whether there had been another George Bush in the CIA? Devine replied: “Twenty-seven years ago? I doubt that very much. In any event, we have a standard policy of not confirming that anyone is involved in the CIA.”
“Apparently” George William Bush
But it appears this standard policy was made to be broken. McBride’s revelations appeared in the July 16, 1988, issue of the liberal magazine the
Nation, under the headline “The Man Who Wasn’t There, ‘George Bush,’ C.I.A. Operative.” Shortly thereafter, CIA spokeswoman Sharron Basso told the Associated Press that the CIA believed that “the record should be clarified.” She said that the FBI document “apparently” referred to a George
William Bush who had worked in 1963 on the night shift at the Langley, Virginia, headquarters, and that “would have been the appropriate place to have received such an FBI report.” George William Bush, she said, had left the CIA in 1964 to join the Defense Intelligence Agency.
CIA can’t find “other” George Bush?
Meanwhile, the CIA’s Basso told reporters that the agency had been unable to locate the “other” George Bush. The assertion was reported by several news outlets, with no comment about the irony of a vaunted intelligence agency — with a staff of thousands and a budget of billions — being unable to locate a former employee within American borders.
Perhaps what the CIA really needed was someone like Joseph McBride. Though not an investigative journalist, McBride had no trouble finding George William Bush. Not only was the man findable; he was still on the U.S. government payroll. By 1988 this George Bush was working as a claims representative for the Social Security Administration. He explained to McBride that he had worked only briefly at the CIA, as a GS-5 probationary civil servant, analyzing documents and photos during the night shift. Moreover, he said, he had never received interagency briefings.
Several years later, in 1991, former
Texas Observer editor David Armstrong would track down the other person listed on the Hoover memo, Captain William Edwards. Edwards could confirm that he had been on duty at the Defense Intelligence Agency the day in question. He said he did not remember this briefing, but that he found the memo plausible in reference to a briefing he might have received over the phone while at his desk. While he said he had no idea who the George Bush was who also was briefed, Edward’s rank and experience was certainly far above that of the night clerk George William Bush.
Shortly after McBride’s article appeared in the
Nation, the magazine ran a follow-up op-ed, in which the author provided evidence that the Central Intelligence Agency had foisted a lie on the American people. The piece appeared while everyone else was focusing on Bush’s coronation at the Louisiana Superdome. As with McBride’s previous story, this disclosure was greeted with the equivalent of a collective media yawn. An opportunity was bungled, not only to learn about the true history of the man who would be president, but also to recognize the “George William Bush” diversion for what it was: one in a long series of calculated distractions and disinformation episodes that run through the Bush family history.
George William Bush Deposes
With the election only two months away, and a growing sense of urgency in some quarters, George William Bush acknowledged under oath — as part of a deposition in a lawsuit brought by a nonprofit group seeking records on Bush’s past — that he was the junior officer on a three- to four-man watch shift at CIA headquarters between September 1963 and February 1964, which was on duty when Kennedy was shot. “I do not recognize the contents of the memorandum as information furnished to me orally or otherwise during the time I was at the CIA,” he said. “In fact, during my time at the CIA, I did not receive any oral communications from any government agency of any nature whatsoever. I did not receive any information relating to the Kennedy assassination during my time at the CIA from the FBI. Based on the above, it is my conclusion that I am not the Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency referred to in the memorandum.” . . .
George H.W. Bush: Spy from the age of 18
Almost a decade would pass between Bush’s election in 1988 and the declassification and release in 1996 of another government document that shed further light on the matter. This declassified document would help to answer some of the questions raised by the ’63 Hoover memo — questions such as, “If George Herbert Walker Bush was already connected with the CIA in 1963, how far back did the relationship go?”
But yet another decade would pass before this second document would be found,
read, and revealed to the public. Fast-forward to December 2006, on a day when JFK researcher Jerry Shinley sat, as he did on so many days, glued to his computer, browsing through the digitized database of documents on the Web site of the Mary Ferrell Foundation.
On that December day, Shinley came upon an internal CIA memo that mentioned George H. W. Bush [the Bush designated Director of Central Intelligence (DCI)]. Dated November 29, 1975, it reported, in typically spare terms, the revelation that the man who was about to become the head of the CIA actually had prior ties to the agency. And the connection discussed here, unlike that unearthed by McBride, went back not to 1963, but to 1953 — a full decade earlier. Writing to the chief of the spy section of the analysis and espionage agency, the chief of the “cover and commercial staff” noted:
Through Mr. Gale Allen . . . I learned that Mr. George Bush, DCI designate has prior knowledge of the now terminated project WUBRINY/LPDICTUM which was involved in proprietary commercial operations in Europe. He became aware of this project through Mr. Thomas J. Devine, a former CIA Staff Employee and later, oil-wildcatting associate with Mr. Bush. Their joint activities culminated in the establishment of Zapata Oil [sic] [in 1953] which they eventually sold. After the sale of Zapata Oil, Mr. Bush went into politics, and Mr. Devine became a member of the investment firm of Train, Cabot and Associates, New York . . . The attached memorandum describes the close relationship between Messrs. Devine and Bush in 1967-1968 which, according to Mr. Allen, continued while Mr. Bush was our ambassador to the United Nations.
See the link below for the rest of the story
Former President George H.W. Bush claimed to have trouble remembering where he was when John F. Kennedy was shot — in Bush’s own state. Helping refresh Bush 41’s memory leads in some fascinating directions.
whowhatwhy.org